Odisha's Maoist-Free Declaration: Pride and Pain for Martyrs' Families
When Assistant Commandant Pramod Kumar Satpathy of the Odisha police's Special Operations Group (SOG) was posthumously awarded the Ashok Chakra on October 14, 2018, his family felt immense pride mixed with profound sorrow. Satpathy and 13 other security personnel lost their lives on February 16, 2008, during a fierce encounter with Maoists in the dense Gosama jungle near the Ganjam–Kandhamal border. This tragic event occurred just a day after a Naxal attack on the Nayagarh district police armoury.
Years later, on March 31, when Odisha police officially declared the state free of Maoist insurgency, the announcement was hailed as a historic milestone. However, for many families who lost loved ones to Maoist violence, this victory was bittersweet, reopening old wounds rather than bringing closure.
Families Voice Grief and Resentment
For bereaved families, the declaration of a Naxal-free Odisha has stirred deep emotions. They watched with dismay as surrendered Maoist leaders—accused of orchestrating killings, ambushes, and abductions—were welcomed with garlands, bouquets, and financial rewards sometimes reaching as high as Rs 1 crore. To the families of slain police martyrs and civilians, this spectacle felt like salt being rubbed into their wounds.
"We thank the government for wiping out left-wing extremism, but it pains us to see Maoists being garlanded and rewarded. They should have been given stringent punishment," said Amita Satpathy, wife of the late Pramod Kumar Satpathy.
In a quiet displacement colony of Narayanpatna block in Koraput district, the family of slain village guard Jagabandhu Tadingi lives with haunting memories. On the night of December 31, 2009, while others celebrated New Year's Eve, a group of Maoists stormed into his home, accusing him of being a police informer.
"They came around 8 pm when all of us—my parents, three brothers, and three sisters—were in our hut in the fields. They mercilessly killed my father," recalls his eldest son, Bapi Tadingi.
The family received Rs 5 lakh as government compensation, but they say it was insufficient to rebuild their lives or restore a sense of security. While Bapi acknowledged the improved security situation, he expressed a sense of injustice.
"Those who were once involved in violence are now being rewarded and rehabilitated, but families like ours are still struggling. I have requested many times for a home guard job," he said.
Similar anguish was voiced by Sunaram Tudu, elder brother of martyred SOG commando Sudhir Tudu, who, along with colleague Debasis Sethy, was killed by Naxals in Kalahandi district on September 9, 2020.
"It is shocking that anti-national elements are being shown leniency and given financial rewards after waging war against the state and killing innocent civilians and security personnel. They should have been arrested or gunned down," Tudu stated.
Another family member questioned the fairness of the policy. Parsu Majhi, kin of civilian Lalabari Majhi, who was killed by Maoists in Kalahandi district on suspicion of being a police informer on November 24, 2022, said, "If criminals are arrested and jailed for murder, extortion, and abduction, why are Maoists—who committed the same crimes—being treated in such a lenient manner?"
Families of other victims pointed out that top Maoist leaders such as Sabyasachi Panda and Dunna Kesava Rao, alias Azad, had been arrested and remained behind bars, while others were granted amnesty and rehabilitation. "Why is the law different for different cadres?" a victim's relative asked.
Government's Defense of Rehabilitation Policy
Officials defended the surrender-and-rehabilitation policy as a pragmatic necessity. A senior home department officer explained, "We chose peace over endless bloodshed. By welcoming them back, we ensured they laid down arms. It is not about forgetting the past, but securing the future."
ADG (anti-Naxal operations) Sanjeeb Panda credited the Maoist-free Odisha tag to the sacrifices of security personnel, civilians, and all others, including SOG, district voluntary force, special intelligence wing, and central forces involved in the decades-long battle.
"We stand with the families of 239 security personnel and 359 civilians who lost their lives in Naxal attacks in Odisha," Panda affirmed.
Surrendered Naxal Leader Reflects on the Past
Niranjan Rout, alias Nikhil, a top Naxal leader who was a member of CPI (Maoist)'s state committee and carried a bounty of Rs 1.10 crore along with his wife, surrendered on February 7 this year. In an interview, the 44-year-old looked back on his path and what prompted him to lay down arms.
When asked if fear of encounters, the government's lucrative rehabilitation policy, or a change in ideology convinced him to surrender, Rout said, "When I was 21 years old, I was deeply influenced by Maoist ideology and their call for armed revolution. At that time, it seemed like the only way to fight for the rights of the poor, the oppressed, and the marginalized sections of society. However, gradually I realized that armed struggle was no longer a necessary or an effective path and that change can only be achieved through democratic means. I want to emphasize that my decision was not driven by fear of death or encounters, nor by the lure of government rewards. I supported the government's Naxal-free movement."
Reflecting on the violence committed by Maoists against security forces and innocent civilians, Rout expressed deep sadness. "I feel a deep sense of sadness when I reflect on the violence of those years. The loss of lives was immense—security personnel, civilians, and our own comrades—all paid the price. At that time, within the movement, our actions seemed justified because we believed we were fighting for a larger cause. Personally, I survived nearly 15–20 encounters with security forces, often escaping death by a whisker."
Regarding allegations of intimidation and exploitation of innocent tribals, Rout denied forcing anyone to join. "We never forced anyone to join us. Our intention was to be the voice of the villagers who had been oppressed, neglected, and ignored by mainstream governance. We tried to sensitize them about our vision and the reasons behind our struggle. Those who joined us did so voluntarily."
On accusations of extortion, sexual assault of women cadres, and killing civilians on suspicion of being police informers, Rout responded, "Like in any large organization, there are always some individuals who engage in wrongdoing. Unfortunately, the misconduct of a handful of people tarnished the image of the entire movement. The allegations of systematic extortion and harassment of women cadres are, in my view, exaggerated and unfounded. As for civilians, they were never our intended targets. Our struggle was against the system, not against innocent people."
He also addressed factionalism in leadership, stating, "Differences in opinion among cadres became visible, especially around 2020. Some of us felt that the armed struggle had outlived its purpose. But the top leadership insisted on continuing the armed movement. This ideological divide weakened our unity. Inability of the leadership to adapt to changing realities and make the right decisions ultimately led to the movement's collapse."
