Bangladesh continues to grapple with a profound internal conflict, torn between the secular, nationalist ideals of its 1971 Liberation War and historical leanings towards political Islam and Pakistan. This tension, a core aspect of the nation's identity and foreign policy, has repeatedly pulled the country into periods of upheaval, according to intellectuals, politicians, and researchers.
The Foundational Struggle: Secularism vs. Ideological Resurgence
The analysts argue that Bangladesh's very existence is anchored in the secular, linguistic, and nationalist Bengali identity forged during the 1971 war. While Islam and other religions remain matters of personal faith, a section of the population, defeated in 1971, has never fully reconciled with this founding principle and has repeatedly staged comebacks.
The derailment of the Liberation War's spirit began after the assassination of founding father Mujibur Rahman in 1975. Veteran journalist Subir Bhowmik notes that subsequent military rulers, Generals Ziaur Rahman and later Hussain Muhammad Ershad, sought to craft their own political identity. Their primary opponent was the Awami League, the standard-bearer of the 1971 sentiment. In opposing the Awami League, these generals naturally aligned with the forces defeated in the Liberation War.
It was during these military regimes that the ban on religion-based politics was lifted, allowing figures like Ghulam Azam, the head of Jamaat-e-Islami, to return. Jamaat had collaborated with militant groups like the Razakar, Al-Badr, and Al-Shams during the 1971 war and was accused of atrocities and genocide. This period marked the formal re-entry of pro-Islamic, pro-Pakistani sentiments into Bangladesh's fractured political landscape.
The Rise of Militancy and Political Alliances
The country's slide towards fundamentalism gained momentum in subsequent decades. Awami League general secretary Obaidul Quader pointed out that while Sheikh Hasina first came to power in 1996, her government was dislodged by the BNP-Jamaat alliance. With Jamaat playing a key role in that government, Islamisation came to the fore, and militant forces began to surface.
This era saw the emergence of groups like the Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen, led by Banglabhai, which actively worked to widen the religious divide. The situation escalated dramatically on August 17, 2004, when a series of coordinated blasts rocked 63 districts across Bangladesh. The Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), which had earlier engaged with Harkat-ul-Jihad-al-Islami Bangladesh (HuJI-B), was also accused of having a tacit understanding with Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen.
Bangladeshi actress Rokeya Prachi lamented the failure to identify the anti-democratic forces that were behind the killing of Bangabandhu (Mujibur Rahman) in 1975. She argued that these forces spread across the country, and Jamaat gained legitimacy through its alliances with the BNP, subsequently forming numerous splinter organisations.
Regional Recalibration and the Path Forward
The political calculus saw another shift when Sheikh Hasina was ousted and an interim government led by Muhammad Yunus came to power. According to Bhowmik, Yunus found himself in a position similar to Generals Zia and Ershad and relied on the same fundamentalist forces for support. During this phase, Pakistan intensified its outreach to Bangladesh, seeking new partnerships. Yunus held multiple meetings with Pakistani officials, including Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar, while engagement with India diminished.
Foreign policy experts view this as indicative of a potential recalibration of regional dynamics, with Bangladesh's foreign policy showing signs of shifting away from India. Critics like Muhammad Abdul Hai, former head of the Bangla department at Dhaka University, argue that during her rule, Hasina failed to adequately identify and counter these forces. He claims mosques were established where hardliners were employed, and campaigns were spread among unemployed youth, a price the nation is now paying.
Hai emphasizes that Islam in Bangladesh should be based on humanitarian principles. He concludes that for Bangladesh to resurge as a true democracy, elections based on exclusion cannot provide the platform. Ultimately, he asserts, Bangladesh will have to coexist with India in harmony for lasting stability and progress.
